Doutorado em Ciências Sociais

URI Permanente para esta coleção

http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/17511

Nível: Doutorado
Ano de início: 2018
Conceito atual na CAPES: 4
Ato normativo: Aprovado na 180ª Reunião do Conselho Técnico-Científico da Educação Superior (CTC-ES), realizada no período de 17 a 19 de outubro de 2018, em Brasília.
Periodicidade de seleção: Anual
Url do curso: https://cienciassociais.ufes.br/pt-br/pos-graduacao/PGCS/detalhes-do-curso?id=128

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O racismo mata!: uma sociologia forense do genocídio da população negra brasileira
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2022-11-04) Barbosa, Victor de Jesus; Almeida, Marcelo Fetz de; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7229-0295; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3936124976880088; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7623-9948; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7209858618735573; Rodrigues, Marcia Barros Ferreira; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6022-3041; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1531744628299485; Nascimento, Emerson Oliveira do; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5983-5964; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5838080096724721; Pinho, Osmundo Santos de Araújo; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4253-6148; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7943108749679220; Ramos, Paulo César; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5326866987114044
Since the colonial period, the black Brazilian population has struggled against the processes of death and violence produced by structural racism. Such processes forge what Abdias Nascimento called the Genocide of the Brazilian Negro in the 1970s, punctuating its colonial roots and eugenics character in the post-abolition republican turn. Following the leads of Abdias, but also the struggle for the right to life and human dignity by black subjects and collectives throughout the history of Brazil, the present research has the genocide of the black population in social theory as an object of analysis. It then seeks to analyze if/how different social theories have dealt with the racial and colonial character of the genocide that involves the black population, especially those produced in the Social Sciences. For this, a combined literature review (systematic and narrative) was carried out to investigate the discussion in the Social Theory of Genocide (Genocide Studies), in the Social Theory of Racism, in the Social Eugenics Theory, in the Social Theory of Death and, still, in Contemporary Social Theory produced in Brazil. Thus, the resulting theoretical cartography shows that despite its contributions to the conceptualization and typology of genocide, Genocide Studies have been insufficient in the racial and colonial understanding of genocide, even ignoring the relevance of eugenic theories. On the other hand, eugenics social theory was a precursor of genocide theories, inaugurating a scientific understanding of racism and proposing different forms of eugenics (positive, negative, preventive, matrimonial, among others) to achieve racial hygiene, genocide. In turn, it is possible to understand the faces of genocide from other nomenclatures as revealed by social theories of death, although in general they tend to neglect the relationship between death and racism. Despite this, the black intelligentsia has tried to debate the genocide experienced by the black population since the process of slavery and colonization of the Americas to the present day. In this sense, I point out a typology of genocide experienced by the black Brazilian population that goes through physical genocide, social genocide, symbolic genocide, and political genocide, which are related and feed back in the face of socioeconomic, environmental, symbolic and political inequalities that forge racism. I also discuss the construction of a political-affective hygienist culture that trivializes the genocide of the black population because its construction is linked to a project-desire of a white Nation. Finally, I write the final considerations in the form of a Letter-Manifest for the institutions and researchers of the Social Sciences that have neglected not only the subject of study, but, above all, a reality that afflicts us since the tomb ships of the transatlantic traffic. The research points out the importance of Social Sciences to engage in the social, political and symbolic analysis of death and genocide that involve the black population and their interfaces with eugenics, death, racism and violence, especially in the Brazilian reality whose hygienist-eugenicist culture presupposes the naturalization and legitimation of genocidal practices of segments of the national population, which historically have been denied the right to life, human-dignity and citizenship. It is hoped that this research will contribute to the development of a forensic sociology that highlights the eugenicist-racist character of death and genocide and helps to understand the technologies-mechanisms through which the mass hygienism-annihilation of the black population by operational forms that directly and indirectly lead to death.
Liberdades civis como indicadores da secularização: um estudo comparativo microssociológico a partir da atuação parlamentar no Brasil e Uruguai
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2022-11-16) Weber, Bruno Curtis; Almeida, Marcelo Fetz de; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7229-0295; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3936124976880088; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6494-0320; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5644933129753409; Almeida, Marcelo Fetz de; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7229-0295; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3936124976880088; Almeida, Luís Gustavo Teixeira de; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6029-0343; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5255389687422958; Mariano, Ricardo; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1796133639096827; Caetano, Gerardo; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Barreira, Marcelo Martins; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9367-3073; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0690909917220112
abstract
O Patrimônio Camponês: Aspectos etnográficos de novas identidades rurais em Patrimônio da Penha, Caparaó Capixaba
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2023-09-13) Almeida, Alexandre D'Avila de; Dadalto, Maria Cristina; https://orcid.org/0000000279253929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1720560349495010; https://orcid.org/0009-0008-8230-7175; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7371906759647678; Paveis, Patricia Pereira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3952116395952727; Rodrigues, Marcia Barros Ferreira; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1531744628299485; Vargiu, Andrea; Merler, Alberto
Inserted in the context of contemporary movements to return to the countryside (Fugere Urbem), we sought to describe a neo-rural typology of idealist inspiration that has involved individuals of urban origin attracted by supposed comparative advantages of the rural universe, as seen in the district of Patrimony of Penha, Espírito Santo municipality of Divino de São Lourenço, Brazil. This location, chosen as the geographical area of the research, has stood out in recent decades due to the influx of people from Brazil and abroad in search of a lifestyle different from that of their urban roots. Here, we start from the premise that this transition to rurality attempts to construct a representation of the peasantry insofar as it proposes the resumption of various practices of vernacular communities, such as manual work and work with the land, community reciprocity, customs and religiously inspired beliefs, food with local products, simple clothing, rural architecture etc. However, the effectiveness of this identification with the peasant ethos would be open to question due to the lack of expression of the economic (the link with agricultural work) and cultural dimensions, historically attributed to the peasantry. Furthermore, the urban origin of these individuals could prevent their adaptation to the peasant universe due to a condition of prior reflexivity acquired in cities. Aiming to clarify these and other issues surrounding the genesis of this new agent, the local alternative rural public was approached as a case study in a descriptive and exploratory research carried out in the years 2021-2022. Through participant observation, ethnobiographies of the new inhabitants of the place and content analysis of the speeches, we sought to exhume the justifications for their displacement to rural areas, as well as the strategies used by these subjects to build a neo-peasant routine. The results highlighted the successes and difficulties of this utopian attempt to rescue the rural, which, despite its asymmetry in relation to the native peasant worldview, demonstrated to play an important role in the community articulation of the territory, both in the economic and cultural fields.
Terra dos animais da floresta: análise das relações entre humanos e outros seres no território, e seus arredores, ocupado pela Reserva Biológica de Sooretama
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2023-10-05) Santos, Claudia Farias Gomes dos; Creado, Eliana Santos Junqueira; https://orcid.org/0000000302306612; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9502095470595626; https://orcid.org/0009-0004-1358-6239; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8466347067263701; Oliveira, Osvaldo Martins de; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4697-6722; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3039095049409337; Loera, Nashieli Cecilia Rangel; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4728-1017; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2123336363340595; Santos, Leonardo Bis dos; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9048-8705; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9329890613026505; Scarin, Paulo Cesar
This work deals with the analysis of the established relations between sooretamenses family farmers and other beings in a territory, and their adjacencies, currently occupied by the Biological Reserve of Sooretama, a natural protected area, located in the north region of Espírito Santo state (ES). The organized discussion is registered in the field of the studies of social sciences referred to human and non-human relations. The work consists on the observation and experiencing of the ways of being and living from rural communities next to this protected area. We can affirm that our interest is in the peculiarities and complexities presented in human interactions with the environment. This research deals with socioenvironmental issues which considers the world conjoint constitution, especially in its territorial dimensions. Although it has not been our initial goal, the analyses promoted here, allowed to consider, as well, how these humans and the non-humans with whom this territory is shared constitute plural morethan-human landscapes that extrapolate the topographic boundaries of this conservation area.
Maré conservadora e educação: análise de discurso crítica sobre políticas educacionais no Brasil e em Vitória-ES
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2023-12-08) Real, Danielly da Costa Vila; Nascimento, Euzeneia Carlos Do; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5041035987649708; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2709-728X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7209735688470187; Tatagiba, Luciana Ferreira; Machado, Igor Suzano; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3882899105315228; Ribeiro, Adelia Maria Miglievich; https://orcid.org/0000000197362996; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6821974709618583
Between the years 2010 and 2022 in Brazil – within the context that has been called the Conservative Tide – we observed the advance of a morally regulatory, security punitive, socially intolerant and economically liberal conservatism. As a consequence of this phenomenon, the traditional dispute between educational policies classified as reforms (inclusivist) and counter-reforms (neoliberalist) lost space to the advancement of (anti)reforms (moralizing, militarizing and intolerant). On the national scene, we highlight the National Common Curricular Base and the New Secondary Education as counter-reforms partially supported in the educational field, while the Militarization of public schools, Escola Sem Partido and Homeschooling are (anti)reforms demanded by groups exogenous to the policy communities educational. At the subnational level of Vitória-ES, conservatism also materializes in counter-reforms, but the moralizing (anti)reforms supported by religious groups stand out: Escola Sem Partido, Eu Escolhi Esperar and Infância Sem Pornografia. Having observed the social problem of the subtle erasure of the themes of class, race, gender and sexuality in the educational field, we took on the research problem of explaining how conservatism materializes in “against” and “anti” educational reforms. To this end, we adopted CDA (Critical Discourse Analysis) at two levels: a corpus of national policies and another from Vitória-ES. During the analysis of the policy texts and the speeches of interviewed actors, we identified the training ideal that underpins the written and oral speeches, observing two categories: a) what is the conservative force that constitutes each policy, and b) which diversity theme is implicated in the dispute. The biggest findings of this thesis are a) situating educational policies as resources for ideological change; b) differentiate educational policies by categorizing them as reforms, counter-reforms and (anti)reforms, considering the ideal of human formation that underpins each of them; and c) denaturalize the orders of the “anti-diversity” discourse that spread throughout educational discursive networks during the conservative tide, instrumentalizing the wronged to defend their right to difference. But as a secondary finding, we also highlight the illocutionary effect of these law proposals, since the interviews give clues about possible behavioral changes in teachers even before the policy achieves any legislative victory.
Quando o tempo parou o Congado : rupturas culturais diante das mudanças temporais
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-05-22) Arrebola, Daniel Luiz; Almeida, Marcelo Fetz de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7229-0295; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3936124976880088; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0854-4363; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4335118399842116; Oliveira, Osvaldo Martins de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4697-6722; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3039095049409337; Creado, Eliana Santos Junqueira; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0230-6612; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9502095470595626; Bosco, Estevão Mota Gomes Ribas ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4634-7432; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9910747148389505; Paiva, Andréa Lucia da Silva de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3145-1547; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0993142677246044
Doctorate thesis presented to the Social Sciences Program at the Federal University of Espírito Santo where I research, in the field of Anthropology of Time, the influence of time on sociocultural relations. The general aim of this research is, from a field exercise, to create a future scenario based on prospecting methodologies of Grumbach, Porter and Schwartz which, in turn, should dialogue with the anthropological analyzes of time and culture. In this thesis, I intend to approach new ways of carrying out ethnographic research with the use of methodologies not commonly used by anthropology, but which, however, have much to contribute to the Social Sciences by bringing the multidisciplinarity of knowledge to anthropological practices
Pessoas em situação de rua e a questão da moradia : significados, sentidos e implicações na construção da cidadania e das políticas públicas
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-06-06) Pereira, Sandra Mara; Losekann, Cristiana ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9043-6099 ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6484935860818055 ; https://orcid.org/0009-0005-0838-3960 ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6888697915777015 ; Robaina, Igor Martins Medeiros; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2188-5245 ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5597776164559444 ; Leal, Giuliana Franco ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0233-339X ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9111235010629776 ; Costa, Daniel De Lucca Reis; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7803-4276 ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0252309800911440 ; Natalino, Marco Antonio Carvalho ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7144-7518; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6314853138159056
The absence or impossibility of access to housing is a constituent element of “being homeless”. However, housing policy has occupied a marginal space within the policies of care for the homeless population in Brazil. In this sense, this research aims to study public housing policies for homeless people, taking as a starting point the understanding of the senses and meanings attributed to the social phenomenon “homeless” and the issue of “housing”, by managers, policy operators and the homeless– subjects of ongoing research. It is postulated that the symbolic dimension has significant impacts on the constitution of public policies. Therefore, investigating this dimension and how it impacts the development and daily practices of policies is an important exercise in the context of studies on the homeless and public policies. The emergence, still embryonic in the country, of the Housing First model, as opposed to the traditional care model, makes the research carried out even more timely. Within the methodological path, documentary research on policies for the homeless population stands out; carrying out semi-structured interviews with different research subjects and content analysis. As the National Policy for the Homeless Population established in 2009 is a federal regulation that is largely implemented at the municipal level, through co-financing and adherence by municipal managers, there is an important intersection between the national sphere – as a normative construction, and the municipal scope, where care for HP actually takes place. For this reason, the field research strategy was defined as carrying out interviews with subjects who experience the reality of the municipality of Vitória, capital of the state of Espírito Santo, as a possible way of accessing the senses and meanings produced by the subjects. That carry out, operationalize or relate to the homeless policy in their daily practice, as a proxy for a broader context. The research highlighted a disconnect between the social issue of the homeless and the issue of housing: the homeless interviewed stated the centrality of housing in their personal projects, they spoke of the desire to have a house of their own and rebuild their homes; however, housing for the homeless, in the view of professionals and managers, takes on another meaning and appears marginally in the policies of care for this segment
Vulnerabilidade político-institucional: a complexa dimensão do risco de desastre
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-07-11) Silveira, Tânia Maria; Silva, Marta Zorzal e; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5622-5389; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Losekann, Cristiana; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Vieira, Marcelo Martins; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Lavalle, Adrian Gurza; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Milanez, Bruno; http://lattes.cnpq.br/
Disasters are increasingly recurring at national and global levels. Vulnerability is a polysemic concept used in different fields of knowledge to understand specific problems. However, within the field of disaster studies, vulnerability is a specific problem whose study has been driven by the escalation of this phenomenon and its damaging effects on people, communities, systems and assets susceptible to hazards. This thesis investigates the causes of the failure of the Fundão dam in Mariana (MG) in 2015. It aims to identify the political-institutional factors and processes that exacerbated the conditions of vulnerability in the Samarco case. As a case study, it uses Robert Yin's (2005) concept as a methodological reference, as well as qualitative methods and techniques used in the social sciences. The theoretical proposition that reflected the set of research questions was based on the concept of politicalinstitutional vulnerability as a dimension of disaster risk. The institutional dimension of vulnerability encompasses both the context and the process by which institutions are weak in ensuring compliance with safety standards, or how they ignore their duty to ensure compliance with regulations to prevent, mitigate, and recover from the effects of a hazardous event. The findings of this thesis show that the Fundão dam collapse had devastating consequences. Political and institutional vulnerability exacerbated risk conditions, resulting in multiple impacts that persist over time. Samarco Mineração S.A. and its parent companies, Vale S.A. and BHP Billiton Brasil Ltda., expanded production beyond what was sustainable, disregarding laws and safety standards. At the institutional level, the research revealed omissions and shortcomings in regulations, as well as non-compliance with the rules established by public licensing and inspection bodies, which allowed the dam to operate without guaranteeing compliance with safety standards. The analysis of the context revealed challenges in the public governance of disaster risk and in the regulation of the negative externalities of iron ore mining. In summary, the thesis confirms the theoretical contributions in the disaster literature that vulnerability to disaster hazards is a complex and dynamic relational expression because it involves multiple interrelated factors. In other words, vulnerability is not an isolated concept. intrinsically connected to other elements such as the environment, infrastructure, communities, and social and political systems. It is complex because it cannot be reduced to a single cause or variable, and it is dynamic because it evolves over time. This means that disaster vulnerability is a multifaceted concept that requires a holistic and adaptive approach to minimize risks and adverse impacts.
Pretas cervejeiras: uma pesquisa qualitativa sobre consumo e politização em práticas onlife
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-07-11) Maestri, Tiare Goulart; Dadalto, Maria Cristina; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7925-3929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Oliveira, Osvaldo Martins de; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Pavesi, Patrícia; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Silva, Gleicy; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Portilho, Fátima; http://lattes.cnpq.br/
This thesis investigates consumption as an everyday practice, endowed with the potential to generate social change, highlighting the racial relations. In the beer scene, traditionally dominated by white men, black women face a diverse matrix of oppressions in contemporary times. The study sought to understand how the onlife practices of Pretas Cervejeiras enable them to transform the context, or contexts, in which they are inserted. This research argues that Pretas Cervejeiras, by incorporating ethical and politicized concerns into their everyday practices and by communicating through their bodily performances on digital platforms, play a crucial role in confronting the oppressions rooted in their own realities and the realities of others. This action transcends the individual scope, promoting the visibility and representation of black women in the beer scene, contributing to the deconstruction of broader oppressive structures. The methodological strategy adopted, drawing on the contributions of cartography (Passos, Kastrup, and Escóssia, 2009) and multisited ethnography (Marcus, 1995), describes the onlife (Floridi, 2015) practices and the organization of Pretas Cervejeiras in the digital environment. The thesis discusses colorism (Devulsky, 2021) and intersectionalities (Akotirene, 2019). It analyzes the politicization of consumption (Boström, Micheletti, and Oosterveer, 2019) and the Afro-entrepreneurship (Nascimento, 2020), and the resistance to systemic oppressions through the politicization of pleasure (Pinheiro-Machado and Scalco, 2022), considering the community created by Pretas Cervejeiras as a form of aquilombamento (Daniels, 2013). Pretas Cervejeiras create and support businesses that celebrate their culture and diversity, challenging dominant narratives and promoting inclusion. For them, consuming and engaging in the beer sector is not just an economic activity but a political act related to the affirmation of an identity. The politicization of consumption and entrepreneurship emerges as a response to systemic exclusion and marginalization. Their experiences reflect the politicization of pleasure, confronting social norms that marginalize the black female body. This pleasure, often denied or limited by classist, racist and sexist structures, finds in beer a means of expression and claim. Thus, these women break away from limiting social expectations of their bodies and redefine leisure and consumption spaces as political arenas.
“Vai ter que aturar” mulheres-políticas-negras-faveladas na Alerj
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-09-23) Cunha, Mirila Greicy Bittencourt; Ribeiro, Adelia Maria Miglievich ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9736-2996; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6821974709618583; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3274-0516; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3464002531609931; Rocha, Luciane de Oliveira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9576-5847; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7510057754988239; Costa, Andrea Lopes da ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3672-6298; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4453051972658627; Brito, Simone Magalhães ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5731-413X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1833114674355841; Sierra, Vania Morales; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3778-6954; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6362471071411665; Carneiro, Sandra Maria Corrêa de Sá ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7747-1773; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7812000653949554
The thesis is oriented by the hypothesis: i. the entry of black women faveladas/peripherical in politics disturbs the “narcissistic pact” (BENTO, 2002) of white men, majority group in Brazilian representative democracy, heirs to the positions of power since the processes of the colonial enterprise; ii. the parliamentary activity of “women- politicians-black-faveladas”, as they are here defined, is a constant process of aquilombamento (NASCIMENTO, 2006; 2015) in the political-public sphere, that redefines it. It is proposed here a sociological analysis of the “way of making politics” presented by the Agenda Marielle Franco (INSTITUTO MARIELLE FRANCO, 2020), arranged in seven guidelines and practices, as an incitive and guide for the candidacy of black women. As is known, the councilwoman (vereadora) from Rio de Janeiro Marielle Franco was a victim of “political femicide” (SOUZA, 2020) in March 14, 2018. However, she left as a legacy another way of power organization, that we sought to verify in the activities of Dani Monteiro, Mônica Francisco and Renata Souza, her advisors, elected Federal Deputies (Deputadas Federais) in their first elections six months after the summary execution of their inspirational figure. As methodological strategy, parliamentary pronouncements were selected, made in pulpit of the plenary tribune of the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro (Alerj) registered by shorthand, available on the institution’s website as “order of the day” and “discourse” (ordinary and extraordinary). With the keyword “Mariele Franco” 70 documents were filtered, of a total of 179, in the year 2019. Said speeches point, on one side, the Racist Sexist Political Violence[s] (VPSRs) (MATOS, 2019; 2021) and the confirmation of whiteness as means of domination (BENTO, 2002; CARDOSO, 2008; SCHUCMAN, 2012), on the other, the resistance of the “mulheres-negras-periféricas-faveladas”, by pronouncements, that also were escrevivências (EVARISTO, 2005; 2009; 2017; 2022). The motto of Marielle Franco’s first and only campaign, “I am because we are”, ubuntu, African proverb, echoes Brazil’s historical social construction, leaving explicit the racism, sexism, and classism that affect, until today, the public offices representative of institutional politics, confronted by them in the struggle for the decolonization of power capable of denouncing and challenging and the formal and exclusionary democracy
Fotografia humanista : uma perspectiva antropológica
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-10-23) Libardi, Virgilio Cesar de Mello; Dadalto, Maria Cristina ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7925-3929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1720560349495010; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3162-6554; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1137521124860191; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6022-3041; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1531744628299485; Almeida, Alexandre D'Avila de ; https://orcid.org/0009-0008-8230-7175; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7371906759647678; Garrido, Jimena Ines ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0070-895X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/; Zanini, Maria Catarina Chitolina ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4523-9915; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4222381114451307
This work focuses on photography, with an emphasis on reflections and theories related to humanistic photography, though the developed ideas can be adapted to a broader photographic practice. The research unfolded from the understanding that a reflexive approach enriches the investigation, facilitating the apprehension of the affects and inferences constructed through biografemas. The methodological approach and theoretical reflections aimed to define photography from an anthropological perspective, with a special focus on humanistic photography. The conceptual foundation is built by exploring my own affective relationship with photography, not only as a producer and researcher but, above all, as a spectator and subject impacted by these objects that mediate intersubjectivities. Next, a theoretical illustrative description of the social relations mediated by photographs is presented, considering the main actors: photographer, referent, and spectator. The theoretical discussion about the photographic nexus is then applied to the analysis of the lives and works of three photographers, articulated through biogrammatic writings. Finally, remarks are presented on the changes brought about by the transition from chemically fixed images to those generated by electronic sensors and binary interpretation. This last section poses a central question about the belief in the photographic image, opening up opportunities for future investigations on the photographic nexus whitin the field of social sciences
"Entre a opy e a escola": reflexões sobre educação escolar indígena e ensinamentos tradicionais Guarani Nhãdewa
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-12-03) Barcéllos, Glaudertone Andrade de; Creado, Eliana Santos Junqueira; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0230-6612; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9502095470595626; https://orcid.org/0009-0006-5449-0107; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0072369611240586; Pancieri, Thiago Zanotti; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7461-1486; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3072980300349840; Marcilino, Ozirlei Teresa; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6694-8687; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9548763641862588; Luciano, Gersem José dos Santos; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5222-9339; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1021166118431706; Ciccarone, Celeste; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1133-6285; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6706832948171790; Schubert, Arlete Maria Pinheiro; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1951-0337; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3010708242466735; Lima, Alba Janes Santos; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3421-8027; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2826912756571717
This research studied some of the main aspects of Traditional Guarani Education and relates them to Indigenous School Education, institutionalized by the State with an emphasis on the encounter between the School, an exogenous institution, and Arandu, a set of ancestral practices and particularities present in the Nhãdeva daily life. The wisdom of this ethnic group is inherent to this activity, according to the very name of our study proposal, which investigate encounters, journeys and transformations of the Guarani Nhãdewa in Aracruz - ES. The encounters, often unwanted, are related to what arises from the clash between ways of elaborating and transmitting ancestral knowledge and the presence of the State, personified in the school located in the indigenous community in question. The journeys refer to how the Guarani (in particular the Nhãdewa in Aracruz - ES) go through their history with their dreams, with their words, and with their bodies-territories, in order to live their cultural practices, the Nhãde Reko (our system). The transformations address the set of affective, symmetrical, dynamic, and interdependent relationships among various entities present in the Guarani conceptions of worlds. In this research, carried out with the "Emefi Arandu Retxakã" community located in the aforementioned municipality, we make use of the theoretical framework that permeates the concept of perspectivism, but especially of the epistemologies of the Guarani and other indigenous peoples.
Entre a direita e a esquerda no Brasil popular : um estudo sobre a formação da identificação política de estudantes do Proeja/Ifes nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018 e 2022
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-12-06) Girelli, Luciana Silvestre; Machado, Igor Suzano ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4843-9664; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3882899105315228; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2973-3924; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6518466392290560; Pavesi, Patrícia Pereira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8435-7239; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8435-7239; Mendonça, Daniel de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8920-4709; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9251787953915517; Medeiros, Jonas Marcondes Sarubi de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7021-8393; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8233802118945264; Alvim, Davis Moreira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9379-0587; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2441096806060253
This dissertation sought to understand how the formation of political identification or not among students at Proeja-Ifes – Vitória campus occurred, in relation to candidate Jair Bolsonaro, during the 2018 and 2022 Brazilian presidential elections, with an emphasis on the school's contribution to the formation of their political positions. The study involved the participation of 20 students, divided between voters and non-voters of the candidate, and adopted qualitative methodologies for data collection, such as in-depth interviews, focus groups and observation. The Discourse Analysis of the Essex School, whose main exponents are Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, was used as a theoretical-methodological reference and, as structuring concepts, the notions of political identification, antagonism and hegemony. Through the analysis of the life trajectories of students, a tendency was identified for them to assume hegemonic political positions in the spaces where they felt most supported in moments of vulnerability. In the case of Bolsonaro's voters, the internet, religion and, to a lesser extent, social organizations and schools predominated. Among non-voters, schools and social organizations stood out and, to a lesser extent, cultural and virtual spaces. To understand how students responded to the process that led to the hegemony of Bolsonarism, their narratives were analyzed in the social, political and phantasmatic dimensions, through the Logics of Critical Explanation, according to authors Jason Glynos and David Howarth. It was demonstrated that Bolsonaro's voters were mobilized primarily by moral agendas, especially those related to the defense of the family, and non-voters, by demands related to the mitigation of social, ethnic-racial, gender and sexual orientation. It was found that antagonism marked the political identification of the participants, whether through anti-petism or rejection of Jair Bolsonaro, and manifested itself in the school environment through political conflicts, experienced negatively. Despite this, the students affirmed the relevance of political debate in the school environment, as long as it is in an agonistic format, in which the opponent is not seen as an enemy. It was concluded that the school had relative importance in the formation of students' political identification, being more influential among the candidate's non-voters. Furthermore, it contributed to fostering reflections and promoting contact with otherness, demonstrating that it is a potentially amplifying space for democracy
O Comitê Nacional em Defesas dos Territórios frente à Mineração e a formação do enquadramento de ação coletiva do modelo mineral brasileiro
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2024-12-20) Paiva, Raquel Lucena; Losekann, Cristiana ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9043-6099; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6484935860818055; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8945-3860; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1439619696000499; Silva, Marcelo Kunrath ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5392-515X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3630123802753991; Sant'Ana Júnior, Horácio Antunes de; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1509-8931; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5137817404959463; Pinto, Raquel Giffoni ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0042-6143; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8798162232506263; Aráoz, Horacio Machado ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6072-9763
This thesis addresses the construction of the Brazilian mineral model collective action frame, around the process of claiming and constituting the mineral issue as a public problem in the Brazilian political arena. The empirical research focuses on records and reports of the processes of collective action and the construction of frameworks carried out over eleven years by the Comitê Nacional em Defesa dos Territórios frente à Mineração (Committee). From the collective action frame analysis, which is based on symbolic interactionism and the social movements studies, the work is guided by the following questions: how are the processes of frame construction to confront mining characterized? How is the field of disputes around the frameworks configured and how do the actors interact in this field, configuring concepts and argumentative axes? How are socio-environmental issues related to mining approached? The results show the process of constitution of the Brazilian mineral model collective action frame, its diagnoses, prognoses, characteristics that affect resonance and processes of alignment and interaction. The prognostic frame of Mining-Free Territories is also analyzed through the dynamics of construction and transformation of support frames for collective action and the processes of alignment with other movements and concepts. Finally, the framing of the just energy transition as a mineral issue brings to the arena of the climate emergency a complex and necessary discussion, still little disseminated outside of specialized circles, and on which the movement has carried out significant framing work, provoking a deeper debate. Both the broader and more specific frames articulated by the Committee dialogue with socio-environmentalism and Environmental Justice. The alignment with the concepts and propositions of post-extractivism are also perceived in the framing processes, although more central in the articulation of themes such as mining-free territories. The emphasis on the construction of the framework allows us to understand the central role of civil society actors in their multiple interactions, in the constitution and consolidation of agendas as public and political problems
O reencantamento do consumo crítico : práticas coletivas de resistência a partir do consumo no Brasil e em Lisboa (Portugal)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-02-10) Ramos, Liliane Moreira; Paveis, Patrícia Pereira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8435-7239; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3952116395952727; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4559-6832; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0326841115330430; Dadalto, Maria Cristina ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7925-3929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1720560349495010; Portilho, Maria de Fátima Ferreira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4780-9547; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0274508709603902; Barros, Carla Fernanda Pereira ; https://orcid.org/; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2826493667924064; Guimarães, Pedro Porfírio Coutinho ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9011-8894; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3916268621044503; Blanc, Manuela Vieira ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0595-7875; http://lattes.cnpq.br/4123521447980536
Based on two ethnographic encounters with collective experiences organized around consumption, triggered in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, this thesis is articulated around the following question: why is consumption treated as a central theme for collectively thinking about society's problems and acting on them, in a context aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic? Specifically, I analyze the construction of the context and the critique undertaken by the interlocutors within the scope of their engagement with the collective practices of which they were/are part; I seek to understand, based on the intersection with the pandemic context, how the meanings of consumption for the interlocutors were shaped or altered by different ways of experiencing COVID-19; and I also identify the collective practices activated as an expression of a critical morality through consumption. To this end, I conducted this research from an ethnographic theoretical-methodological orientation, within the anthropological perspective, which takes into account structural and symbolic aspects. The data were produced through multi-sited participant observation, with monitoring, in different localized and specialized digital spaces, of the involvement of interlocutors with two groups from the Social Consumption Laboratory of the Liberte o Futuro movement, in Brazil, carried out between August and December 2020; and by monitoring the participation of cooperative members in the activities of the consumer section of the integral cooperative Rizoma, in Lisbon, in person between September 2022 and February 2023, and remotely, through digital spaces, until November 2024. I argue that, if the interlocutors' strategies point to the rationalization of consumption as an ethical and moralistic direction, most of their daily tactics reveal a reenchantment of consumption practices through the valorization of sensitivity and the cultivation of positive emotions, such as pleasure, as a way of constructing and defending a way of life, equally activated in its critical morality. In this process, instead of seeking a unifying concept of consumption, the interlocutors, in their tensions, engage in processes of experimentation in the construction of projects and in the relationships resulting from them, in a regime of juxtaposition of values, instead of overcoming, without assuming a dispute between the objectivist and subjectivist views of consumption, but with the activation of practices derived from each of them as a way of creatively making everyday life viable in the desired direction
Cultura do cancelamento no Twitter “X” : racismo digitalizado na contemporaneidade
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-05-13) Madeira, Thiago Fernandes; Pavesi, Patrícia Pereira; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8435-7239; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3952116395952727; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4943-8911; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1184188181308936; Dadalto, Maria Cristina; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7925-3929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1720560349495010; Gomes, Laura Graziela; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0044-5259; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1736294295596552; Parreiras, Carolina; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9741-4776; http://lattes.cnpq.br/9058475337040782; Rodrigues, Denise Carvalho dos Santos ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7569-6127; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6812008813378230
This thesis investigates cancel culture on Twitter a digital microblogging platform recently rebranded as "X" from a socio-anthropological and decolonial critical perspective. The central objective is to analyze how the phenomenon of canceling Black individuals is mobilized on the network, highlighting its social, economic, and subjective impacts. The research employs multisited digital ethnography as its methodology, combined with participant observation supported by automated data collection, as well as the analysis of public episodes. Drawing on the emblematic case of Karol Conká in Big Brother Brasil 21 and other situations, the study demonstrates how digital platforms do not operate neutrally but rather reproduce and amplify structural racism. Cancel culture is understood both as a device of racialized symbolic control and as a space for resistance and denunciation. The work engages with scholars from Digital Anthropology, Decolonial Critical Theory, and Black feminist thinkers who address race, gender, class, and sexuality. The findings point to the need to understand digital networks as contested territories, shaped by racialized algorithms and practices of selective visibility, where engagement often revolves around punitive and exclusionary narratives
Esta ilha é uma delícia: entre o inconsciente urbano da modernidade na cidade de Vitória e as literatices de Carmélia Maria de Souza
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-06-27) Teixeira, Tamara Lopes; https://orcid.org/; Rodrigues, Marcia Barros Ferreira; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6022-3041; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1531744628299485 ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7892-2855; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8462238497293441 ; Dadalto, Maria Cristina; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7925-3929; http://lattes.cnpq.br/1720560349495010; Murta, Cláudia Pereira do Carmo; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1553-8028; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7566489472975915 ; Dias, Juliana Maddalena Trifilio; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8941-903X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/7794215208644937; Gonsalves, Rodrigo Luiz Cunha; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4681-1549; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2898924799034132
Between Freudian slips and passions in Brazil’s social, political, economic, and cultural formation, how did cities sketch out their modernity? And amid all their marks and silences, how did the urban unconscious of modernity project itself onto the city’s face? These questions guide this research in its effort to examine the historical, urban, and sociological processes of modernity in Espírito Santo, in dialogue with Psychoanalysis. The theoretical path begins with the notion of modernity, drawing on Reinhart Koselleck’s concept of the relationship between the “space of experience” and the “horizon of expectation.” Simultaneously, the unconscious though invisible, yet investigable is addressed through the contributions of Sigmund Freud and Jacques Lacan. The life and chronicles of Carmélia Maria de Souza are employed as a methodological resource, grounded in the Indiciary Paradigm, to access the open-air unconscious of Espírito Santo’s modernity through the social contradictions, ambiguities and eccentric urbanities inscribed in the physiognomy of Vitória. At this intersection of social theory and psychoanalytic listening to social phenomena, it becomes evident that in Vitória, the modern ideal of progress did not materialize as an open horizon of possibilities: the dominance of lived experience over future expectations hindered the emergence of futures detached from traditions, founding myths, and the control of regional elites, rooted in an affective authoritarianism. Within this context, Duque de Caxias Street, as portrayed in Carmélia’s chronicles, emerges as an expression of the open-air urban unconscious and a metaphor for Espírito Santo’s modernity.
Movimentos sociais e poder legislativo no desastre do Rio Doce: efeitos da interação socioestatal nas políticas públicas de reparação de danos
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-07-07) Zorzal, Gabriela; Carlos, Euzeneia; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0553-2746; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5041035987649708 ; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5944052174651045 ; Mendonça, Ricardo Fabrino; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7754-3359; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2011077236634286; Lavalle, Adrian Gurza; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8998-9833; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5519410366543048; Silva, Marta Zorzal e; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5622-5389; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2461902946855298 ; Izumi, Maurício Yoshida; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2546701843557096
This study analyzes the effects of the socio-state interaction between social movements and the Legislative on the policy of reparation for damages caused by the Rio Doce disaster, over the course of almost a decade. This is a multiple case study in a comparative perspective, addressing the interaction between the Movement of People Affected by Dams of Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo and the state parliament of these two federative units affected by the collapse of the Fundão tailings dam in Mariana-MG, owned by the mining companies Samarco, Vale and BHP Billiton, in 2015: the Legislative of Minas Gerais and the Legislative of Espírito Santo. Based on a theoretical foundation based on the literature on social movements and legislative studies, the socio-state interaction was observed through the characteristics of the social and political actors involved, the arenas of interaction (public hearings) and the legislative process (processing of bills). Due to the characteristics of the empirical field itself, the analysis also presents results related to the interaction between the MAB and the Federal Legislative. The document analysis and interviews with political and social actors showed that the interaction established in Minas Gerais favored results in the damage reparation policy, highlighting characteristics of the social movement (history of action) and of the parliament itself (permeability and protagonism). The context of the interaction in Espírito Santo was less favorable to changes in the policy, although we found peripheral effects on the actors. In this case, the characteristics of the social movement (the process of emergence and formation) and of the parliament (low reactivity and neutrality) are also the explanatory factors for the results found.
Mulheres que fazem políticas públicas para mulheres : ativismo institucional feminista no governo federal (2003 a 2016)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-07-30) Oliveira, Daniela Rosa de; Carlos, Euzeneia ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0553-2746; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5041035987649708; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3123-8647; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2851696782302953; Souza, Luciana Andressa Martins de ; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2957-5847; http://lattes.cnpq.br/3453233041784779; Moraes, Lívia de Cássia Godoi ; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8284-6605; http://lattes.cnpq.br/6183475552707235; Abers, Rebecca Neaera ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4816-9345; http://lattes.cnpq.br/0161487799376958; Almeida, Marlise Miriam de Matos ; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0158-4584
Recent studies in Brazil indicate that, since the country’s re-democratization, significant transformations have occurred in the patterns of interaction between society and the state. This process is evident both in the action strategies of social movements — which began operating within the state bureaucracy, aiming to influence public policies through political parties, participatory institutions, institutional activism, among other channels — and in changes to state dynamics, with the opening of participatory channels and the reformulation of public policy implementation processes. In the first decade of the 21st century, this movement intensified, and the creation, in 2003, of the Special Secretariat for Policies for Women of the Presidency of the Republic (SPM-PR), the first federal government body dedicated to public policies for women with ministerial status, can be understood as an arena of such interaction. The objective of this dissertation is to deepen the analysis of state-society interactions and to investigate the effects of feminist institutional activism on the institutionalization of public policies for women and gender. From a historical and temporal perspective, the research focuses on the actions of women within the SPM during the administrations of the Workers’ Party (PT), between 2003 and 2016. It is argued that feminist institutional activism produced substantive effects both on the development of public policies and on the trajectories of the activists themselves, characterized by a process of institutional learning, in which the state and feminist movements engaged in a dynamic exchange of knowledge and practices
A Coabitação como um escudo contra o retrocesso democrático: evidências da Polônia
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2025-09-02) Loureiro, Raysa Dantas; Vieira, Marcelo Martins; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4485-1144; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2024447614079857; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3054-1230; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8719350512920936; Izumi, Maurício Yoshida; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4339-0032; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2546701843557096; Pratti, Luana Puppin; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2347-085X; http://lattes.cnpq.br/8037318203216242 ; Fukushima, Katia Alves; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7588-9228; http://lattes.cnpq.br/2886246718185707 ; Mörschbächer, Melina; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5428-5804; http://lattes.cnpq.br/5805994345598464
This work examines the impact of cohabitation in semi-presidential regimes on democracy indices, focusing on Poland´s experience. The research is based on the hypothesis that cohabitation, contrary to expectations, acts as a brake against democratic backsliding. The coexistence of two opposing political forces tends to strengthen the independence of political institutions. The approach combines quantitative analysis, using panel models with data from 53 semi-presidential countries adopted after the Third Wave of Democratization, along with a most-similar case study comparing two periods of Polish political history (2015-2023 and 2023-present). The results of the quantitative analysis indicate that the presence of cohabitation is associated with higher electoral and liberal democracy indices, especially when it occurs in regimes with a premier-presidential subtype. The case study analysis also suggests that cohabitation may serve as mechanism that represses authoritarianism, contributing to stability and democratic consolidation. Thus, the findings of this research challenge the idea that cohabitation generates instability and political tensions detrimental to democracy. On the contrary, cohabitation can be an institutional arrangement that strengthens democracies in times of crisis.

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